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House Republicans Ready Border Enforcement Push After Delays


House Republicans for months have railed against the Biden administration’s handling of the U.S. border with Mexico, holding hearings, visiting border communities and promising to advance legislation to clamp down on illegal immigration and drug trafficking.

But so far, they have failed to unify behind a plan, delaying efforts to pass legislation.

Now they are hoping to change that. Republicans on Wednesday are jumpstarting work on an immigration and border enforcement package that would remake immigration law to make it more difficult to apply for asylum and easier for the federal government to stop migrants from entering the U.S.

Rep. Jim Jordan, the Republican who is chair of the Judiciary Committee drafting the legislation, said he expected Wednesday’s markup of the bill to go “well.”

The undertaking comes as Washington is putting renewed focus on border security, and the plight of thousands of migrants who show up seeking entry into the U.S., with a looming May deadline that is expected to end a federal COVID-era asylum policy. The hearing also comes as Republicans, more than 100 days into their new House majority, are under political pressure to deliver on a key campaign promise to secure the border.

The Republican legislative package, which may not draw much bipartisan support from Democrats, aims to revive a number of policies either enacted or proposed under then-President Donald Trump that tightened up asylum rules.

It would give the Homeland Security secretary the power to stop migrants from entering the United States if the secretary determines the U.S. has lost “operational control” of the border.

And it would make it more difficult for asylum-seekers to prove in initial interviews that they are fleeing political, religious or racial persecution, impose a $50 fee on adults who apply for asylum and require migrants to make the asylum claim at an official port of entry.

The bill would also enact a Trump-era policy that the Biden administration is pursuing, the so-called “safe third country” requirement, which generally denies asylum to migrants who show up at the U.S. southern border without first seeking protection in a country they passed through.

Conservative hardliners who say migrants are taking advantage of the asylum process are backing the bill.

Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, a conservative member of the Freedom Caucus who has pushed aggressive border measures, said the legislation “reflects in a package form basically where we’ve all wanted to head, which is to actually enforce the law.”

“Stop releasing people into the United States who don’t have a legitimate claim to asylum that you need to adjudicate,” he said.

But Roy and Jordan will have to contend with a group of fellow Republicans who have condemned attempts at aggressively limiting asylum claims as cruel and out-of-touch with Latino communities.

Rep. Tony Gonzales, a fellow Texas Republican who represents a long portion of the U.S-Mexico border from El Paso to San Antonio, has emerged as Roy’s foil in the GOP’s border debate. He insists that measures to toughen border enforcement also be coupled with increasing legal immigration, such as work visas.

Moderate House Republicans, like Rep. Don Bacon, R-Nebraska, are pushing for “a balanced approach” that would also open up legal immigration. “People want to come here. They work hard. I think they eventually become great citizens,” Bacon said, adding “but what’s going on at the border is a catastrophe.”

The GOP has made inroads with Latino communities in recent years, and while Republican voters from those communities support tougher border enforcement, Latino Republicans also want to see an increase in legal immigration. The Congressional Hispanic Conference, a group of 18 House Republicans, held a bilingual news conference in front of the Capitol on Tuesday to demand a seat at the negotiating table.

“This is what the face of the border crisis looks like,” Gonzales told reporters. “Take a good hard look, because we’re not going to be quiet about it. We’re not going to let others just dictate what happens.”

Afterward, Gonzales suggested the bill being considered by the Judiciary Committee is just one option, and “has a long way to go before it hits primetime.” The Homeland Security Committee, where he holds a seat, is working on its own legislation to increase border enforcement, he said.

The Congressional Hispanic Conference highlighted three policies it wants: designating cartels as terrorist organizations, increasing criminal penalties for people who smuggle fentanyl and increasing salaries for Customs and Border Protection agents.

Democrats are skeptical of Republican efforts to toughen border enforcement. Rep. Nanette Diaz Barragán, a California Democrat who chairs the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, said the GOP is focused on “politicization of the border instead of actually trying to find a solution.”

And even if Republicans manage to pass a bill through the House, hardline border enforcement and severe restraints on asylum are unlikely to advance in the Democratic-held Senate, where negotiators prefer to pair border policies with an increase in legal immigration or a path to citizenship for the hundreds of thousands of immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children.

“There is not consensus in either party,” said Theresa Cardinal Brown, a senior advisor for immigration at the Bipartisan Policy Center. “There is certainly not consensus across the aisle.”

The debate in Congress will likely play out just as an influx of migrants is expected at the southern border. Title 42, a Trump-era rule adopted by the Biden administration, is set to expire on May 11. It suspended the rights for many to seek asylum during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Recent U.S. immigration policy has been cobbled together through executive actions and legal rulings, Brown said, without any significant action by Congress in decades to address a new reality at the southern border: people, including many children, arriving from a host of countries to claim asylum.

“It’s going to get bad and I don’t think the (Biden) administration is prepared,” she said, adding, “We are at an inflection point. We will see again whether people will get serious about legislating and come to the table, or will they pound the table.”

Gonzales acknowledged the political difficulties around immigration but pointed to the impact in his home district along the border. He hosted Arizona’s Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, a Democrat-turned-independent, for a border visit last month, and said he has been holding calls with Democrats and Republicans in hopes of crafting a bipartisan proposal.

“Congress hasn’t done anything in decades, the White House has punted time and time again, and it is no doubt a difficult problem set,” he said. “But I think it’s a problem worth fighting for.”

(AP)



One Response

  1. I’m sick of countries within a country. Illegals invade from the south with impunity, drain the Welfare system, and then perpetuate the same backward cultures from whence they originated. Crime, filth, from what are they pretending to escape? My forebears came from Eastern Europe, making a mandatory stop at Ellis Island. From there, they had only two goals: find gainful employment and learn to speak English. In most if not all cases, attainment of the first goal was contingent upon the second. Had President Theodore Roosevelt been living today, denouncing “hyphenated Americans”, he’d be tarred and feathered as a right-wing, extreme racist, a veritable Adolph Hitler incarnate.

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